Übersetzung für "Mitgliedschaft in der eurozone" in Englisch

Eurozone membership precludes inflation and devaluation as adjustment mechanisms.

In the longer term, Italy’s eurozone membership could be at risk.

But Greece’s membership in the eurozone makes that impossible.

On the other hand, a eurozone-membership referendum may not even be necessary.

First, a clear distinction must be drawn between membership of the EU and of the eurozone.

Last but not least, Greek membership of the Euro seemed a guarantee of future prosperity.

I would say to Mr Becsey that, in my view, the resolution on which we are going to vote in this House clearly underlines the issues involved in membership of the euro zone, as well as the importance of bringing the concept of solidarity to life within the European Union, and that is one of the reasons why we strongly support this proposal.

That is why, in our resolution, we propose that the issue of enlargement conditions be considered and the extent to which membership of the zone can be a protective factor be confirmed.

The current crisis illustrates why many, including the British Conservative Party, reject membership of the euro with the inevitable one-size-fits-all interest rate policy and exchange rates set by factors that may have nothing to do with domestic economic realities.

Estonia's application to join is a significant symbol to its neighbours that joining the euro should be an attractive option for those countries which prepare themselves well.

This is clearly highlighted by the debate on the service directive or Lithuania's membership of the euro area, which provides a clear indication of the current uncertainties and, unfortunately, the distrust shown towards new members, as well as the application of double standards.

Ladies and gentlemen, with this debate on Cyprus and Malta's request to join the euro zone, this is the fourth time that the European institutions have given their opinion on the membership of the zone.

This would open the door for the anti-establishment Five Star Movement, which recently won local elections in Rome and Turin, and has called for a referendum on Italy’s eurozone (but not EU) membership.

Denmark has been a similar case since 1992, when Danish voters rejected eurozone membership under the Maastricht Treaty.

When Marine Le Pen of the far-right National Front (now called the National Rally) suggested a referendum on euro membership during the French presidential campaign in early 2017, she lost support.

In mid-2007, Cyprus qualified for eurozone membership by meeting the stringent Maastricht criteria, intended to ensure that new entrants would behave responsibly and flourish in the secure environment provided by the currency union.

Le Pen has promised to hold a referendum on France’s membership in the eurozone, despite warnings from the Bank of France that leaving the monetary union could increase the French national debt by €30 billion ($31.8 billion) annually.

And, most important, Italy will hold a referendum on constitutional changes that, if rejected, could effectively jeopardize the country’s membership in the eurozone.

The risk premium on Greek government bonds continues to hover around three percentage points, depriving Greece of much of the benefit of euro membership – namely, being able to refinance government bonds at the official discount rate.

The movement, led by the comedian Beppe Grillo, is leading in opinion polls, supports holding a referendum on eurozone membership, and is now demanding an immediate general election.

If eurozone membership cannot be taken for granted, if countries that do not abide by the common rules can simply be kicked out, countries will try harder to hold onto it.

While Italy’s mainstream political leaders hoped that eurozone membership would create the conditions for far-reaching economic reform, the euro has instead deprived Italy of the means to engage in competitive devaluation.

If Renzi’s referendum fails, Five Star Movement leader Beppe Grillo has indicated that he will demand another plebiscite on Italy’s eurozone membership, which might just succeed.

At a time of substantial economic challenges – Italy’s output has been stagnant for a decade, and its public finances remain precarious – the populist Five Star Movement, which has pledged to hold a referendum on continued euro membership, may well tempt voters.

The economy has always needed radical supply-side and public-administration reforms to cope with eurozone-membership constraints – both fiscal and monetary.

By the end of 2007, the average public debt in the eurozone was 65% of GDP, five points above the ceiling set in the Maastricht treaty for countries seeking eurozone membership.

But their eurozone membership meant that government and private-sector borrowers alike benefited from very low interest rates.

But, for the Greeks, eurozone membership does not mean only that they can use the common currency.

I fought hard for that unity, particularly when defending, often against the odds, Greece’s continued membership in the eurozone, as well as when arguing against splitting the eurozone, as some people proposed.

Euro membership, which temporarily enabled massive borrowing at low interest rates, merely aggravated it.