Translation of "Gouvernementalität" in English

Liberal modes of government presented the basic structure for modern governmentality, which has always been biopolitical.

I call this interface between governmentality and documentary truth production "documentality".

Foucault has reached very similar conclusions when he speaks of governmentality.

On biopolitical governmentality as a socio-theoretical concept, see Lorey 2006a.

Is governmentality, therefore, a continuation and extension of sovereignty, or are they mutually exclusive?

This freedom is, at the same time, a condition and effect of liberal power relations, i.e. of biopolitical governmentality.

Intellectual racism as a driving force behind governmentality is all encompassing and tolerates no outside.

With regard to the European economic crisis, however, this neoliberal governmentality is currently reaching its limits.

Lorey speaks of precarization as a force line in liberal governmentality and biopolitical societies.

Around 1980, however, under the influence of philosophers such as Michel Foucault, Shapiro began employing concepts from continental philosophy and cultural studies including governmentality, micropolitics, the movement-image, the time-image, and rhythmanalysis, while introducing uncoventional devices such as first-person narrative into his essays.

2000 Things we don’t understand, Generali Foundation Vienna (with Noack) 2000 Governmentality.

The imperative of "redemption" is reinterpreted here as an interventionist appeal and thus directed into new forms of governmentality and a humanitarian politics of truth focusing on "victims".

What interest us mostly here is the Foucauldian distinction between a territory and a population that is at the centre of the distinction between (classical) sovereignty and (modern) governmentality.

In terms of a "media history of the social," I have recently returned to the work of Jacques Donzelot, in his Foucauldian history of the family as a unit of governmentality, for which Gilles Deleuze wrote a preface titled "The Invention of the Social."

To demonstrate the genealogy of these lines of force, I will first turn to Michel Foucault’s concepts of “governmentality and “biopolitics.

After all, the art of governmentality not only produces its subjects and objects, but also the world in which these subjects and objects reside[3] .

National tradition, enlightened cosmopolitanism and orientalism constituted a whole »governmentality« (Michel Foucault) that determined pre-war cultural policy.

In the cultural fields, in which the state assumes a stronger position than in the economic field, this control mechanism is deployed today within the framework of neoliberal strategies of governmentality, which seek to make the "collective body (...) 'lean' and 'fit', 'flexible' and 'autonomous'.

For Foucault this distinction is just criss-crossed with further differentiations, so the univocal statement about how exactly the logic of sovereignty and governmentality relate to each other is rendered impossible.

Yet, at the same time, the event of urban space is also produced by global vectors embedded into everyday life – these vectors carve into urban governmentality, patterns of ownership, and the possible forms of urban democracy and citizenship.

Thus, practices and discourses of social movements in the past thirty, forty years were not only dissident and directed against normalization, but also at the same time, a part of the transformation toward a neoliberal form of governmentality.

Within the framework of its social welfare state paradigm of safeguarding, liberal governmentality was still based on multiple forms of precarity as inequality through Othering: on the one hand on the unpaid labor of (married) women in the reproductive area of the private sphere, on the other hand on the precarity of all those who fell through the nation-state compromise between capital and labor as abnormal, foreigners and poor people, as well as on extreme relations of exploitation in the respective colonies.

But the life that is unprotected by law is still enmeshed in power – the powers of governmentality, of extra-judicial killing, of statelessness itself.

In an essay called 'Capital as the Integral of Power Relations', the late Felix Guattari provocatively states that capital is primarily about power and only secondarily about profit (and thus, perhaps, touches upon notions of biopower and governmentality).